Iamblichus on the mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians — Background and Themes
Edition facts
The catalog record for Iamblichus on the mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians — Background and Themes provides practical reading context through 90,329 words, 6 hr 33 min estimated reading time, and 25 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 27.9 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Occultism -- Early works to 1900,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.
How this score is calculated
- Description quality20 pts
- Title & short description10 pts
- Source metadata20 pts
- Text length15 pts
- Chapters / structure15 pts
- EPUB file integrity20 pts
Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.
Read the Text
nly allowed among them in divine adoration. Therefore, says he, when Pelopidas and Ismenias were sent to Artaxerxes, Pelopidas did nothing unworthy, but Ismenias let fall his ring to the ground, and stooping for that, was thought to make his adoration; which was altogether as good a shift as the Jesuits advising the crucifix to be held in the mandarin’s hands while they made their adorations in the Heathen temples in China.
Conon[9] also _refused to make his adoration, as a disgrace to his city_; and Isocrates[10] accuses the Persians for doing it, _because herein they showed that they despised the Gods rather than men, by prostituting their honours to their princes_. Herodotus mentions Sperchies and Bulis, who could not with the greatest violence be brought to give adoration to Xerxes, _became it was against the law of their country to give divine honour to men_.[11] And Valerius Maximus[12] says, “_the Athenians put Timagoras to death for doing it_; so strong an apprehension had possessed them, that the manner of worship which they used to their Gods, should be preserved sacred and inviolable.” The philosopher Sallust also, in his Treatise on the Gods and the World, says, “It is not unreasonable to suppose that impiety is a species of punishment, and that those who have had a knowledge of the Gods, and yet despised them, will in another life be deprived of this knowledge. And it is requisite to make the punishment of those who have honoured their kings as Gods to consist in being expelled from the Gods.”[13]
When the ineffable transcendency of the first God, which was considered as the grand principle in the Heathen religion by the best theologists of all nations, and particularly by its most illustrious promulgators, Orpheus, Pythagoras, and Plato, was forgotten, this oblivion was doubtless the principal cause of dead men being deified by the Pagans. Had they properly directed their attention to this transcendency they would have perceived it to be so immense as to surpass eternity, infinity, self-subsistence, and even essence itself, and that these in reality belong to those venerable natures which are, as it were, first unfolded into light from the unfathomable depths of that truly mystic unknown, about which all knowledge is refunded into ignorance. For, as Simplicius justly observes, “It is requisite that he who ascends to the principle of things should investigate whether it is possible there can be any thing better than the supposed principle; and if something more excellent is found, the same inquiry should again be made respecting that, till we arrive at the highest conceptions, than which we have no longer any more venerable. Nor should we stop in our ascent till we find this to be the case. For there is no occasion to fear that our progression will be through an unsubstantial void, by conceiving something about the first principles which is greater and more transcendent than their nature. For it is not possible for our conceptions to take such a mighty leap as to equal, and much less to pass beyond, the dignity of the first principles of things.” He adds, “This, therefore, is one and the best extension [of the soul] to [the highest] God, and is, as much as possible, irreprehensible; _viz._ to know firmly, that by ascribing to him the most venerable excellences we can conceive, and the most holy and primary names and things, we ascribe nothing to him which is suitable to his dignity. It is sufficient, however, to procure our pardon [for the attempt], that we can attribute to him nothing superior.”[14] If it is not possible, therefore, to form any ideas equal to the dignity of the immediate progeny of the ineffable, _i. e._ of the first principles of things, how much less can our conceptions reach that thrice unknown darkness, in the reverential language of the Egyptians,[15] which is even beyond these? Had the Heathens, therefore, considered as they ought this transcendency of the supreme God, they would never have presumed to equalize the human with the divine nature, and consequently would never have worshiped men as Gods. Their theology, however, is not to be accused as the cause of this impiety, but their forgetfulness of the sublimest of its dogmas, and the confusion with which this oblivion was necessarily attended.
But to return to the present work. To some who are conversant with the writings of Porphyry, who know how high he ranks among the best of the Platonists, and that he was denominated by them, on account of his excellence, _the philosopher_, it may seem strange that he should have been so unskilled in theological mysteries, and so ignorant of the characteristics of the beings superior to man, as by his epistle to Anebo he may appear to have been. That he was not, however, in reality thus unskilful and ignorant, is evident from his admirable Treatise on Abstinence from Animal Food, and his Αφορμαι προς τα νοητα, or Auxiliaries to Intelligibles. His apparent ignorance, therefore, must have been assumed for the purpose of obtaining a more perfect and copious solution of the doubts proposed in his Epistle, than he would otherwise have received. But at the same time that this is admitted, it must also be observed, that he was inferior to Iamblichus in theological science, who so greatly excelled in knowledge of this kind, that he was not surpassed by any one, and was equaled by few. Hence he was denominated by all succeeding Platonists _the divine_, in the same manner as Plato, “to whom,” as the acute Emperor Julian remarks, “he was posterior in time only, but not in genius.”[16]
The difficulties attending the translation of this work into English are necessarily great, not only from its sublimity and novelty, but also from the defects of the original. I have, however, endeavoured to make the translation as faithful and complete as possible; and have _occasionally_ availed myself of the annotations of Gale, not being able to do so _continually_, because for the most part, where philosophy is concerned, he shows himself to be an inaccurate, impertinent, and garrulous smatterer.
THE EPISTLE OF PORPHYRY TO THE EGYPTIAN ANEBO.
_Porphyry to the Prophet Anebo greeting._
I commence my friendship towards you from the Gods and good dæmons, and from those philosophic disquisitions, which have an affinity to these powers. And concerning these particulars indeed, much has been said by the Grecian philosophers; but, for the most part, the principles of their belief are derived from conjecture.
In the first place, therefore, it is granted that there are Gods. But I inquire what the peculiarities are of each of the more excellent genera, by which they are separated from each other; and whether we must say that the cause of the distinction between them is from their energies, or their passive motions, or from things that are consequent, or from their different arrangement with respect to bodies; as, for instance, from the arrangement of the Gods with reference to etherial, but of dæmons to aerial, and of souls to terrestrial, bodies?
I also ask, why, since [all] the Gods dwell in the heavens, theurgists only invoke the terrestrial and subterranean Gods? Likewise, how some of the Gods are said to be aquatic and aerial? And how different Gods are allotted different places, and the parts of bodies according to circumscription, though they have an infinite, impartible, and incomprehensible power? How there will be a union of them with each other, if they are separated by the divisible circumscriptions of parts, and by the difference of places and subject bodies?
How do theologists, or those who are wise in divine concerns, represent the Gods as passive, to whom on this account, it is said, erect phalli are exhibited, and obscene language is used? But if they are impassive, the invocations of the Gods will be in vain, which announce that they can appease the anger of the divinities, and procure a reconciliation with them; and still more, what are called the necessities of the Gods, will be vain. For that which is impassive cannot be allured, nor compelled, nor necessitated. How, therefore, are many things, in sacred operations, performed to them as passive? Invocations,—likewise, are made to the Gods as passive; so that not dæmons only are passive, but the Gods also, conformably to what Homer says,
“And flexible are e’en the Gods themselves.”[17]
But if we assert with certain persons, that the Gods are pure intellects, but that dæmons, being psychical, participate of intellect; in a still greater degree will pure intellects be incapable of being allured, and will be unmingled with sensible natures. Supplications, however, are foreign to the purity of intellect, and therefore are not to be made to it. But the things which are offered [in sacred rites] are offered as to sensitive and psychical essences.
Are, therefore, the Gods separated from dæmons, through the former being incorporeal, but the latter corporeal? If, however, the Gods are incorporeal alone, how will the sun and moon, and the visible celestials, be Gods?
How, likewise, are some of the Gods beneficent, but others malefic?
What is it that connects the Gods in the heavens that have bodies, with the incorporeal Gods?
What is it that distinguishes dæmons from the visible and invisible Gods, since the visible are connected with the invisible Gods?
In what do a dæmon, hero, and soul, differ from each other? Is it in essence, or in power, or in energy?
What is the indication of a God, or angel, or archangel, or dæmon, or a certain archon, or soul being present? For to speak boastingly, and to exhibit a phantasm of a certain quality, is common to Gods and dæmons, and to all the more excellent genera. So that the genus of Gods will in no respect be better than that of dæmons.
Since the ignorance of, and deception about, divine natures is impiety and impurity, but a scientific knowledge of the Gods is holy and beneficial, the ignorance of things honourable and beautiful will be darkness, but the knowledge of them will be light. And the former, indeed, will fill men with all evils, through the want of erudition, and through audacity; but the latter will be the cause to them of every good. [I wish you, therefore, to unfold to me the truth respecting these particulars.[18]]
[And, in the first place, I wish you to explain to me distinctly[19]] what that is which is effected in divination? For we frequently obtain a knowledge of future events through dreams, when we are asleep; not being, at that time, in a tumultuous ecstasy, for the body is then quiescent; but we do not apprehend what then takes place, in the same manner as when we are awake.
But many, through enthusiasm and divine inspiration, predict future events, and are then in so wakeful a state, as even to energize according to sense, and yet they are not conscious of the state they are in, or at least, not so much as they were before.
Some also of those who suffer a mental alienation, energize enthusiastically on hearing cymbals or drums, or a certain modulated sound, such as those who are Corybantically inspired, those who are possessed by Sabazius, and those who are inspired by the mother of the Gods. But some energize enthusiastically by drinking water, as the priest of Clarius, in Colophon; others, by being seated at the mouth of a cavern, as those who prophesy at Delphi; and others by imbibing the vapour from water, as the prophetesses in Branchidæ. Some also become enthusiastic by standing on characters, as those that are filled from the intromission of spirits. Others, who are conscious what they are doing in other respects, are divinely inspired according to the phantastic part; some, indeed, receiving darkness for a cooperator, others certain potions, but others incantations and compositions: and some energize, according to the imagination, through water; others in a wall, others in the open air, and others in the sun, or in some other of the celestial bodies. Some also establish the art of the investigation of futurity through the viscera, through birds, and through the stars.
I likewise ask concerning the mode of divination, what it is, and what the quality by which it is distinguished? All diviners, indeed, assert, that they obtain a foreknowledge of future events through Gods or dæmons, and that it is not possible for any others to know that which is future, than those who are the lords of futurity. I doubt, therefore, whether divinity is so far subservient to men, as not to be averse to some becoming diviners from meal.
But, concerning the causes of divination, it is dubious whether a God, an angel, or a dæmon, or some other power, is present in manifestations, or divinations, or certain other sacred energies, as is the case with those powers that are drawn down through you [priests] by the necessities with which invocation is attended.
Or does the soul assert and imagine these things, and are they, as some think, the passions of the soul, excited from small incentives?
Or is a certain mixed form of subsistence produced from our soul, and divine inspiration externally derived?
Hence it must be said, that the soul generates the power which has an imaginative perception of futurity, through motions of this kind, or that the things which are adduced from matter constitute dæmons, through the powers that are inherent in them, and especially things adduced from the matter which is taken from animals.
For in sleep, when we are not employed about any thing, we sometimes obtain a knowledge of the future.
But that a passion of the soul is the cause of divination, is indicated by this, that the senses are occupied, that fumigations are introduced, and that invocations are employed; and likewise, that not all men, but those that are more simple and young, are more adapted to prediction.
The ecstasy, also, of the reasoning power is the cause of divination, as is likewise the mania which happens in diseases, or mental aberration, or a sober and vigilant condition, or suffusions of the body, or the imaginations excited by diseases, or an ambiguous state of mind, such as that which takes place between a sober condition and ecstasy, or the imaginations artificially procured by enchantment.
Nature, likewise, art, and the sympathy of things in the universe, as if they were the parts of one animal, contain premanifestations of certain things with reference to each other. And bodies are so prepared, that there is a presignification of some by others, which is clearly indicated by the works performed in predicting what is future. For those who invoke the divinities for this purpose, have about them stones and herbs, bind certain sacred bonds, which they also dissolve, open places that are shut, and change the deliberate intentions of the recipients, so as from being depraved to render them worthy, though they were before depraved. Nor are the artificers of efficacious images to be despised. For they observe the motion of the celestial bodies, and can tell from the concurrence of what star with a certain star or stars, predictions will be true or false; and also whether the things that are performed will be inanities, or significant and efficacious, though no divinity or dæmon is drawn down by these images.
But there are some who suppose that there is a certain obedient genus of dæmons, which is naturally fraudulent, omniform, and various, and which assumes the appearance of Gods and dæmons, and the souls of the deceased; and that through these every thing which appears to be either good or evil is effected; for they are not able to contribute any thing to true goods, such as those of the soul, nor to have any knowledge of them, but they abuse, deride, and frequently impede those who are striving to be virtuous. They are likewise full of pride, and rejoice in vapours and sacrifices.
Jugglers likewise fraudulently attack us in many ways, through the ardour of the expectations which they raise.
It very much indeed perplexes me to understand how superior beings, when invoked, are commanded by those that invoke them, as if they were their inferiors; and they think it requisite that he who worships them should be just, but when they are called upon to act unjustly, they do not refuse so to act. Though the Gods, likewise, do not hear him who invokes them, if he is impure from venereal connexions, yet, at the same time, they do not refuse to lead any one to illegal venery.
[I am likewise dubious with respect to sacrifices, what utility or power they possess in the universe, and with the Gods, and on what account they are performed, appropriately indeed, to the powers who are honoured by them, but usefully to those by whom the gifts are offered.[20]]
Why also do the interpreters of prophecies and oracles think it requisite that they should abstain from animals, lest the Gods should be polluted by the vapours arising from them; and yet the Gods are especially allured by the vapours of animals?
Why is it requisite that the inspector [who presides over sacred rites] ought not to touch a dead body, though most sacred operations are performed through dead bodies? And why, which is much more absurd than this, are threats employed and false terrors, by any casual person, not to a dæmon, or some departed soul, but to the sovereign Sun himself, or to the Moon, or some one of the celestial Gods, in order to compel these divinities to speak the truth? For does not he who says that he will burst the heavens, or unfold the secrets of Isis, or point out the arcanum in the adytum, or stop Baris, or scatter the members of Osiris to Typhon, [or that he will do something else of the like kind[21]], does not he who says this, by thus threatening what he neither knows nor is able to effect, prove himself to be stupid in the extreme? And what abjectness does it not produce in those who, like very silly children, are possessed with such vain fear, and are terrified at such fictions? And yet Chæremon, who was a sacred scribe, writes these things, as disseminated by the Egyptians. It is also said, that these, and things of the like kind, are of a most compulsive nature.
What also is the meaning of those mystic narrations which say that a certain divinity is unfolded into light from mire, that he is seated above the lotus, that he sails in a ship, and that he changes his forms every hour, according to the signs of the zodiac? For thus, they say, he presents himself to the view, and thus ignorantly adapt the peculiar passion of their own imagination to the God himself. But if these things are asserted symbolically, being symbols of the powers of this divinity, I request an interpretation of these symbols. For it is evident, that if these are similar to passions of the Sun, when he is eclipsed, they would be seen by all men who intently survey the God.
What also is the design of names that are without signification? and why, of such, are those that are barbaric preferred to our own? For if he who hears them looks to their signification, it is sufficient that the conception remains the same, whatever the words may be that are used. For he who is invoked is not of the Egyptian race; nor, if he was an Egyptian, does he use the Egyptian, or, in short, any human language. For either all these are the artificial contrivances of enchanters, and veils originating from our passions, which rumour ascribes to a divine nature; or we ignorantly frame conceptions of divinity, contrary to its real mode of subsistence.
Thomas Taylor's 1821 translation of Iamblichus's On the Mysteries presents a sustained defense of theurgy against the criticisms of Porphyry. The work is structured as a series of responses, each chapter advancing a cumulative argument about the nature of divine causation. Iamblichus repeatedly distinguishes between physical, daemonic, and divine orders, insisting that true sacrificial efficacy depends on a 'habitude which binds fabricators to the things fabricated.' The prose moves through careful negations—rejecting natural sympathy, numerical correspondences, and material forms as primary causes—before arriving at a hierarchical model where 'all the causes are moved in conjunction by a perfect sacrifice.'
A Rhetoric of Refutation
The opening chapters of the excerpted text reveal a methodical pattern of negation. Iamblichus first enumerates inadequate explanations for sacrificial power—'the communion of similar powers,' 'the dissension of contraries,' or 'a certain aptitude of the agent to the patient'—and then dismisses each as insufficient. He writes that such accounts 'would thus assert something of what is true, yet we should not demonstrate the true mode of their subsistence.' This rhetorical strategy establishes a ladder of causation: physical causes are not false but subordinate. The translator's voice, mediated through Taylor's eighteenth-century English, preserves the original's logical cadence, with clauses stacked in long, periodic sentences that mirror the philosopher's stepwise reasoning.
The Vocabulary of Hierarchy
Iamblichus's argument depends on a precise lexicon of order. Key terms recur with deliberate frequency: 'precedaneous causes,' 'demiurgic cause,' 'mundane or terrestrial powers,' and 'most ancient and venerable cause.' These phrases build a vertical cosmology where each level of being—physical, daemonic, divine—has its own mode of operation. The text insists that the Gods are 'not placed in nature and in physical necessities' but are 'defined by itself, having nothing in common with them.' This insistence on transcendence shapes the prose into a series of distinctions: between 'concause' and 'precedaneous cause,' between 'imperfect' and 'perfect' sacrifice. The cumulative effect is a vocabulary that functions almost as a technical lexicon for theurgic practice.
Pace and the Accumulation of Examples
The excerpted chapters show a marked shift in pace when Iamblichus moves from theoretical rejection to concrete illustration. In Chapter VIII, he lists specific instances—'the number sixty in the crocodile,' 'the heart of a cock,' 'the dog, the cynocephalus, and the weasel'—that anchor his abstract argument in recognizable symbols from Egyptian and Chaldean lore. These examples are not merely decorative; they serve as test cases for the principle that material forms cannot be primary causes. The rhythm quickens as the text piles up instances, then slows again when Iamblichus returns to metaphysical first principles. This alternation between dense theoretical passages and illustrative lists gives the work a distinctive pulse, one that rewards careful attention to how examples are deployed.
Readers approaching this translation should attend to the interplay between Iamblichus's original argumentative structure and Taylor's mediating style. The text rewards slow reading: its distinctions between levels of causation are best grasped by tracing how each chapter builds on the previous one. The translator's preface and notes, though not excerpted here, may offer further context for the philosophical stakes of this defense of theurgy against Porphyry's critique.
There are evenings when the old Neoplatonist’s insistence on divine presence, his stubborn defense of sacred acts over mere explanation, settles into me like a familiar scent. It lingers, and I find myself recalling Spinoza’s quieter, sterner voice, dismantling the very structures I’d just been admiring. Odd, how two such different conversations can hold the same ache for meaning. I set one beside A Theological-Political Treatise [Part IV] — Key Ideas to Explore, and simply sat with the thought.
Mila Baker
1 month agoIsabella Rodriguez
1 month agoJack Allen
2 weeks agoEvelyn Martinez
1 month agoTake a moment to reflect on this book
Create a short personal record of your experience with this book.
Mila Thompson
1 week ago