On the Philosophy of Discovery, Chapters Historical and Critical — Edition Insights

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Whewell, William, 1794-1866 Project Gutenberg 2016 Not confirmed
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Whewell's 1860 work examines scientific discovery through historical and critical chapters, arguing that discovery involves applying new conceptions to facts. The excerpts show his method: analyzing thinkers from Plato to Hegel, critiquing hasty generalization in political economy, and developing the Fundamental Antithesis of Ideas and Sensations.
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ht in which I have been engaged, and by a consideration of the history of the most clear and certain parts of our knowledge, I have been led to doctrines respecting the progress of that exact and systematic knowledge which we call Science; and these doctrines I have endeavoured to lay before the reader in the History of the Sciences and of Scientific Ideas. The questions on which I have thus ventured to pronounce have had a strong interest for man from the earliest period of his intellectual progress, and have been the subjects of lively discussion and bold speculation in every age. I conceive that in the doctrines to which these researches have conducted us, we have a far better hope that we possess a body of permanent truths than the earlier essays on the same subjects could furnish. For we have not taken our examples of knowledge at hazard, as earlier speculators did, and were almost compelled to do; but have drawn our materials from the vast store of unquestioned truths which modern science offers to us: and we have formed our judgment concerning the nature and progress of knowledge by considering what such science is, and how it has reached its present condition. But though we have thus pursued our speculations concerning knowledge with advantages which earlier writers did not possess, it is still both interesting and instructive for us to regard the opinions upon this subject which have been delivered by the philosophers of past times. It is especially interesting to see some of the truths which we have endeavoured to expound, gradually dawning in men's minds, and assuming the clear and permanent form in which we can now contemplate them. I shall therefore, in the ensuing chapters, pass in review many of the opinions of the writers of various ages concerning the mode by which man best acquires the truest knowledge; and I shall endeavour, as we proceed, to appreciate the real value of such judgments, and their place in the progress of sound philosophy.

In this estimate of the opinions of others, I shall be guided by those general doctrines which I have, as I trust, established in the histories already published. And without attempting here to give any summary of these doctrines, I may remark that there are two main principles by which speculations on such subjects in all ages are connected and related to each other; namely, the opposition of _Ideas_ and _Sensations_, and the distinction of _practical_ and _speculative_ knowledge. The opposition of Ideas and Sensations is exhibited to us in the antithesis of Theory and Fact, which are necessarily considered as distinct and of opposite natures, and yet necessarily identical, and constituting Science by their identity. In like manner, although practical knowledge is in substance identical with speculative, (for all knowledge is speculation,) there is a distinction between the two in their history, and in the subjects by which they are exemplified, which distinction is quite essential in judging of the philosophical views of the ancients. The alternatives of identity and diversity, in these two antitheses,--the successive separation, opposition, and reunion of principles which thus arise,--have produced, (as they may easily be imagined capable of doing,) a long and varied series of systems concerning the nature of knowledge; among which we shall have to guide our course by the aid of the views already presented.

I am far from undertaking, or wishing, to review the whole series of opinions which thus come under our notice; and I do not even attempt to examine all the principal authors who have written on such subjects. I merely wish to select some of the most considerable forms which, such opinions have assumed, and to point out in some measure the progress of truth from age to age. In doing this, I can only endeavour to seize some of the most prominent features of each time and of each step, and I must pass rapidly from classical antiquity to those which we have called the dark ages, and from them to modern times. At each of these periods the modifications of opinion, and the speculations with which they were connected, formed a vast and tangled maze, the byways of which our plan does not allow us to enter. We shall esteem ourselves but too fortunate, if we can discover the single track by which ancient led to modern philosophy.

I must also repeat that my survey of philosophical writers is here confined to this one point,--their opinions on the nature of knowledge and the method of science. I with some effort avoid entering upon other parts of the philosophy of those authors of whom I speak; I knowingly pass by those portions of their speculations which are in many cases the most interesting and celebrated;--their opinions concerning the human soul, the Divine Governor of the world, the foundations or leading doctrines of politics, religion, and general philosophy. I am desirous that my reader should bear this in mind, since he must otherwise be offended with the scanty and partial view which I give in this place of the philosophers whom I enumerate.

There would be small advantage in beginning our examination earlier than the period of the Socratic School at Athens; for although the spirit of inquiry on such subjects had awakened in Greece at an earlier period, and although the peculiar aptitude of the Grecian mind for such researches had shown itself repeatedly in subtle distinctions and acute reasonings, all the positive results of these early efforts were contained in a more definite form in the reasonings of the Platonic age. Before that time, the Greeks did not possess plain and familiar examples of exact knowledge, such as the truths of Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy and Optics became in the school of Plato; nor were the antitheses of which we spoke above, so distinctly and fully unfolded as we find them in Plato's works.

The question which hinges upon one of these antitheses, occupies a prominent place in several of the Platonic dialogues; namely, whether our knowledge be obtained by means of Sensation or of Ideas. One of the doctrines which Plato most earnestly inculcated upon his countrymen was, that we do not _know_ concerning sensible objects, but concerning ideas. The first attempts of the Greeks at metaphysical analysis had given rise to a school which maintained that material objects are the only realities. In opposition to this, arose another school, which taught that material objects have no permanent reality, but are ever waxing and waning, constantly changing their substance. "And hence," as Aristotle says[1], "arose the doctrine of ideas which the Platonists held. For they assented to the opinion of Heraclitus, that all sensible objects are in a constant state of flux. So that if there is to be any knowledge and science, it must be concerning some permanent natures, different from the sensible natures of objects; for there can be no permanent science respecting that which is perpetually changing. It happened that Socrates turned his speculations to the moral virtues, and was the first philosopher who endeavoured to give universal definitions of such matters. He wished to reason systematically, and therefore he tried to establish definitions, for definitions are the basis of systematic reasoning. There are two things which may justly be looked upon as steps in philosophy due to Socrates; inductive reasonings, and universal definitions;--both of them steps which belong to the foundations of science. Socrates, however, did not make universals, or definitions separable from the objects; but his followers separated them, and these essences they termed _Ideas_." And the same account is given by other writers[2]. "Some existences are sensible, some intelligible: and according to Plato, if we wish to understand the principles of things, we must first separate the _ideas_ from the _things_, such as the ideas of Similarity, Unity, Number, Magnitude, Position, Motion: second, that we must assume an absolute Fair, Good, Just, and the like: third, that we must consider the ideas of relation, as Knowledge, Power: recollecting that the Things which we perceive have this or that appellation applied to them because they partake of this or that Idea; those things being _just_ which participate in the idea of The Just, those being _beautiful_, which contain the idea of The Beautiful." And many of the arguments by which this doctrine was maintained are to be found in the Platonic dialogues. Thus the opinion that true knowledge consists in sensation, which had been asserted by Protagoras and others, is refuted in the _Theætetus_: and, we may add, so victoriously refuted, that the arguments there put forth have ever since exercised a strong influence upon the speculative world. It may be remarked that in the minds of Plato and of those who have since pursued the same paths of speculation, the interest of such discussions as those we are now referring to, was by no means limited to their bearing upon mere theory; but was closely connected with those great questions of morals which have always a practical import. Those who asserted that the only foundation of knowledge was sensation, asserted also that the only foundation of virtue was the desire of pleasure. And in Plato, the metaphysical part of the disquisitions concerning knowledge in general, though independent in its principles, always seems to be subordinate in its purpose to the questions concerning the knowledge of our duty.

Since Plato thus looked upon the Ideas which were involved in each department of knowledge as forming its only essential part, it was natural that he should look upon the study of Ideas as the true mode of pursuing knowledge. This he himself describes in the _Philebus_[3]. "The best way of arriving at truth is not very difficult to point out, but most hard to pursue. All the arts which have ever been discovered, were revealed in this manner. It is a gift of the gods to man, which, as I conceive, they sent down by some Prometheus, as by Prometheus they gave us the light of fire; and the ancients, more clear-sighted than we, and less removed from the gods, handed down this traditionary doctrine: that whatever is said to be, comes of One and of Many, and comprehends in itself the Finite and the Infinite in coalition (being One Kind, and consisting of Infinite Individuals). And this being the state of things, we must, in each case, endeavour to seize the One Idea (the idea of the Kind) as the chief point; for we shall find that it is there. And when we have seized this one thing, we may then consider how it comprehends in itself two, or three, or any other number; and, again, examine each of these ramifications separately; till at last we perceive, not only that One is at the same time One and Many, but also _how many_. And when we have thus filled up the interval between the Infinite and the One, we may consider that we have done with each one. The gods then, as I have said, taught us by tradition thus to contemplate, and to learn, and to teach one another. But the philosophers of the present day seize upon the One, at hazard, too soon or too late, and then immediately snatch at the Infinite; but the intermediate steps escape them, in which resides the distinction between a truly logical and a mere disputatious discussion."

It would seem that what the author here describes as the most perfect form of exposition, is that which refers each object to its place in a classification containing a complete series of subordinations, and which gives a definition of each class. We have repeatedly remarked that, in sciences of classification, each new definition which gives a tenable and distinct separation of classes is an important advance in our knowledge; but that such definitions are rather the last than the first step in each advance. In the progress of real knowledge, these definitions are always the results of a laborious study of individual cases, and are never arrived at by a pure effort of thought, which is what Plato appears to have imagined as the true mode of philosophizing. And still less do the advances of other sciences consist in seizing at once upon the highest generality, and filling in afterwards all the intermediate steps between that and the special instances. On the contrary, as we have seen, the ascents from particular to general are all successive; and each step of this ascent requires time, and labour, and a patient examination of actual facts and objects.

It would, of course, be absurd to blame Plato for having inadequate views of the nature of progressive knowledge, at the time when knowledge could hardly be said to have begun its progress. But we already find in his speculations, as appears in the passages just quoted from his writings, several points brought into view which will require our continued attention as we proceed. In overlooking the necessity of a gradual and successive advance from the less general to the more general truths, Plato shared in a dimness of vision[4] which prevailed among philosophers to the time of Francis Bacon. In thinking too slightly of the study of actual nature, he manifested a bias from which the human intellect freed itself in the vigorous struggles which terminated the dark ages. In pointing out that all knowledge implies a unity of what we observe as manifold, which unity is given by the mind, Plato taught a lesson which has of late been too obscurely acknowledged, the recoil by which men repaired their long neglect of facts having carried them for a while so far as to think that facts were the whole of our knowledge. And in analysing this principle of Unity, by which we thus connect sensible things, into various Ideas, such as Number, Magnitude, Position, Motion, he made a highly important step, which it has been the business of philosophers in succeeding times to complete and to follow out.

But the efficacy of Plato's speculations in their bearing upon physical science, and upon theory in general, was much weakened by the confusion of practical with theoretical knowledge, which arose from the ethical propensities of the Socratic school. In the Platonic Dialogues, Art and Science are constantly spoken of indiscriminately. The skill possessed by the Painter, the Architect, the Shoemaker, is considered as a just example of human science, no less than the knowledge which the geometer or the astronomer possesses of the theoretical truths with which he is conversant. Not only so; but traditionary and mythological tales, mystical imaginations and fantastical etymologies, are mixed up, as no less choice ingredients, with the most acute logical analyses, and the most exact conduct of metaphysical controversies. There is no distinction made between the knowledge possessed by the theoretical psychologist and the physician, the philosophical teacher of morals and the legislator or the administrator of law. This, indeed, is the less to be wondered at, since even in our own time the same confusion is very commonly made by persons not otherwise ignorant or uncultured.

On the other hand, we may remark finally, that Plato's admiration of Ideas was not a barren imagination, even so far as regarded physical science. For, as we have seen[5], he had a very important share in the introduction of the theory of epicycles, having been the first to propose to astronomers in a distinct form, the problem of which that theory was the solution; namely, "to explain the celestial phenomena by the combination of equable circular motions." This demand of an ideal hypothesis which should exactly express the phenomena (as well as they could then be observed), and from which, by the interposition of suitable steps, all special cases might be deduced, falls in well with those views respecting the proper mode of seeking knowledge which we have quoted from the _Philebus_. And the Idea which could thus represent and replace all the particular Facts, being not only sought but found, we may readily suppose that the philosopher was, by this event, strongly confirmed in his persuasion that such an Idea was indeed what the inquirer ought to seek. In this conviction all his genuine followers up to modern times have participated; and thus, though they have avoided the error of those who hold that facts alone are valuable as the elements of our knowledge, they have frequently run into the opposite error of too much despising and neglecting facts, and of thinking that the business of the inquirer after truth was only a profound and constant contemplation of the conceptions of his own mind. But of this hereafter.

[Footnote 1: _Metaph._ xii. 4.]

[Footnote 2: Diog. Laert. _Vit. Plat._]

[Footnote 3: T. ii. p. 16, c, d. ed. Bekker, t. v. p. 437.]

[Footnote 4: See the remarks on this phrase in the next chapter.]

[Footnote 5: _Hist. Ind. Sc._ b. iii. c. ii.]

ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON PLATO.

The leading points in Plato's writings which bear upon the philosophy of discovery are these:

1. The Doctrine of Ideas. 2. The Doctrine of the One and the Many. 3. The notion of the nature and aim of Science. 4. The survey of existing Sciences.

1. The Doctrine of Ideas is an attempt to solve a problem which in all ages forces itself upon the notice of thoughtful men; namely, How can certain and permanent knowledge be possible for man, since all his knowledge must be derived from transient and fluctuating sensations? And the answer given by this doctrine is, that certain and permanent knowledge is _not_ derived from _Sensations_, but from _Ideas_. There are in the mind certain elements of knowledge which are not derived from sensation, and are only imperfectly exemplified in sensible objects; and when we reason concerning sensible things so as to obtain real knowledge, we do so by considering such things as partaking of the qualities of the Ideas concerning which there can be truth. The sciences of Geometry and Arithmetic show that there _are_ truths which man can know; and the Doctrine of Ideas explains how this is possible.

So far the Doctrine of Ideas answers its primary purpose, and is a reply (by no means the least intelligible and satisfactory reply) to a question still agitated among philosophers: What is the ground of geometrical (and other necessary) truth?

But Plato seems, in many of his writings, to extend this doctrine much further; and to assume, not only Ideas of Space and its properties, from which geometrical truths are derived; but of Relations, as the Relations of Like and Unlike, Greater and Less; and of mere material objects, as Tables and Chairs. Now to assume Ideas of such things as these solves no difficulty and is supported by no argument. In this respect the Ideal theory is of no value in Science.

It is curious that we have a very acute refutation of the Ideal theory in this sense, not only in Aristotle, the open opponent of Plato on this subject, but in the Platonic writings themselves: namely, in the Dialogue entitled _Parmenides_; which, on this and on other accounts, I consider to be the work not of Plato, but of an opponent of Plato[6].

2. I have spoken, in the preceding chapter, of Plato's doctrine that truth is to be obtained by discerning the One in the Many. This expression is used, it would seem, in a somewhat large and fluctuating way, to mean several things; as for instance, finding the one _kind_ in many _individuals_ (for instance, the one idea of dog in many dogs); or the one _law_ in many _phenomena_ (for instance, the eccentrics and epicycles in many planets). In any interpretation, it is too loose and indefinite a rule to be of much value in the formation of sciences, though it has been recently again propounded as important in modern times.

3. I have said, in the preceding chapter, that Plato, though he saw that scientific truths of great generality might be obtained and were to be arrived at by philosophers, overlooked the necessity of a _gradual_ and _successive_ advance from the less general to the more general; and I have described this as a 'dimness of vision.' I must now acknowledge that this is not a very appropriate phrase; for not only no acuteness of vision could have enabled Plato to see that gradual generalization in science of which, as yet, no example had appeared; but it was very fortunate for the progress of truth, at that time, that Plato had imagined to himself the object of science to be general and sublime truths which prove themselves to be true by the light of their own generality and symmetry. It is worth while to illustrate this notice of Plato by some references to his writings.

Whewell opens by distinguishing his project from a mere philosophy of induction: each scientific step was a Discovery in which a new conception bound together observed facts. The preface frames the volume as completing a series that includes the History of the Inductive Sciences and the Novum Organon Renovatum. Readers encounter a work that is both historical and critical, with new chapters on Plato, Aristotle, Bacon, and German philosophers. The excerpts reveal a writer who insists that classification must precede generalization, a principle he finds violated even in political economy.

The Fundamental Antithesis as a Reading Lens

Whewell repeatedly returns to what he calls the Fundamental Antithesis: the opposition and inseparability of Thoughts and Things, Ideas and Sensations, Necessary Truth and Experience. In the chapter on Modern German Philosophy, he states this antithesis in several forms and insists that the two elements, though opposed, cannot exist without each other. For a first reader, this concept acts as a key to Whewell's entire method. He uses it to evaluate earlier philosophers: Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel are presented as thinkers who grappled with this same polarity. Whewell's own position is that ideas supply the form of knowledge while experience supplies the matter. Pay attention to how he applies this framework to each thinker he discusses; it is the thread that ties the historical chapters together.

Whewell's Critique of Hasty Generalization

In a passage on political economy, Whewell illustrates a recurring theme: the danger of neglecting classification before generalization. He writes that when wages rise, the effect on population depends on many circumstances—the form of wages, time, institutions—and that a due classification of conditions is needed before any general proposition can be obtained. He then states that the precepts of the philosophy of discovery—classify facts, seek narrower generalizations first—have been violated in political economy as in other sciences. This critique is not limited to economics; it is a methodological warning that appears throughout the book. Whewell suggests that bold speculation, though it may advance a science rapidly, also leads to splendid errors. The reader should watch for how he applies this same standard to historical figures in science and philosophy.

Structure and Self-Reference in the Text

The book is explicitly part of a larger series, and Whewell frequently refers to his own earlier works. In the preface, he lists the latest editions of his History of the Inductive Sciences, History of Scientific Ideas, and Novum Organon Renovatum, and notes that indexes in the first volume allow reference to any person or event. Within the excerpts, he cites his own History of Scientific Ideas when introducing the Fundamental Antithesis. This self-referential structure means that a first-time reader may encounter arguments that are developed more fully elsewhere. Whewell assumes familiarity with his previous terminology—such as the distinction between the History and the Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences. The reader should be prepared for a dense, interconnected argument that builds on a decade of Whewell's published work.

The Range of Historical Figures Examined

The excerpts mention a wide array of thinkers: Plato, Aristotle, Arabian philosophers, Francis Bacon, Mr. Mill, Mr. Mansel, Sir William Hamilton, and the German philosophers Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. Whewell also notes that he might have added a chapter on Roger Bacon based on newly published works. This range indicates that the book is not a narrow history of science but a broad philosophical survey. Each figure is assessed in relation to Whewell's own philosophy of discovery. For instance, the German philosophers are treated as part of a reaction against the Sensational School. The reader should note that Whewell does not merely summarize these thinkers; he critiques them using his own framework. The chapters are critical in the sense of evaluating, not just describing.

Whewell's book rewards a reader who attends to his recurring methodological principles: the Fundamental Antithesis, the priority of classification, and the inseparability of ideas and facts. The historical chapters are best read as tests of these principles against the record of actual discovery. Because the work is part of a series, the reader may wish to consult the History of Scientific Ideas for fuller development of the antithesis. The excerpts suggest that Whewell is as concerned with how we should think about discovery as with what was discovered.

That rainy afternoon, Whewell’s argument kept circling back to how ideas shape what we see — not just in science, but in any human search. His pages felt heavy with that tension, and when I finally set him down, my hand drifted almost instinctively to The Religious Thought of the Greeks, from Homer to the Triumph of Christianity — Edition Insights, where the same old question wore a different, older robe.

Theodore Wilson
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