The origin and development of the moral ideas — A Closer Reading
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Read on Project GutenbergEdward Westermarck opens his two-volume study with a striking methodological confession: he spent four years among Moroccan peasants and mountaineers, not merely collecting data but trying to 'make myself familiar with the native way of thinking.' This fieldwork, unusual for a moral philosopher of his era, grounds his argument that moral ideas originate in emotional responses—approval and disapproval, resentment and gratitude—rather than in abstract reason or divine command. The preface reveals a scholar deeply indebted to British empiricism, yet willing to test its claims against the customs of a non-European people.
A Comparative Method Rooted in Fieldwork
Westermarck’s preface establishes his distinctive approach. He acknowledges material support from the University of Helsingfors and the Russian Minister at Tangier, but credits his Moorish friend Shereef ‘Abd-es-Salâm el-Baḳḳâli for ensuring 'the kind reception I invariably received from peasants and mountaineers, not generally noted for friendliness towards Europeans.' This personal involvement sets his work apart from armchair anthropology. He promises a future monograph on 'the popular religion and magics of the Moors,' indicating that the present book draws on a larger reservoir of firsthand observation. The reader should note how Westermarck weaves these field experiences into his theoretical framework, using Moroccan examples to illustrate the emotional basis of moral judgments.
The Problem of Truthfulness Across Cultures
In a representative passage, Westermarck examines honesty among the Fuegians, Australians, and other peoples. He cites Darwin’s observation that a Fuegian boy 'showed, by going into the most violent passion, that he quite understood the reproach of being called a liar.' He then presents conflicting reports: some Australian tribes 'display on nearly all occasions honesty and truthfulness,' while others 'seem almost destitute of the better qualities.' Westermarck does not resolve these contradictions by declaring one account correct; instead, he lets the ethnographic record speak for itself. His method is to accumulate evidence, often from missionaries, travelers, and colonial officials, and to note variations without forcing them into a single narrative. This approach reveals his commitment to empirical detail over theoretical neatness.
The Role of Temptation and Social Context
Westermarck’s discussion of Australian truthfulness introduces a nuanced psychological dimension. He quotes Mr. Mathew, who notes that one can rely on natives 'being faithful to a trust only on condition that they are exempt from strong temptation.' Mr. Curr admits that 'under some circumstances they are treacherous,' but insists that 'the black feels, in the commencement of his career at least, that lying is wrong.' Westermarck juxtaposes these statements with Mr. Gason’s harsh verdict on the Dieyerie: 'A more treacherous race I do not believe exists… They seem to take a delight in lying.' Rather than dismissing Gason as biased, Westermarck includes his testimony, leaving readers to weigh the evidence. This technique—presenting contradictory sources without arbitration—forces the reader to confront the difficulty of cross-cultural moral judgment.
Politeness as a Mask for Falsehood
A striking detail emerges in Westermarck’s account of West Australian tribes. Mr. Chauncy reports that natives are 'habitually honest among themselves, if not truthful,' and that he 'does not remember ever hearing a native utter a falsehood with a definite idea of gaining anything by it.' The explanation offered is telling: 'If questioned on any subject, he would form his reply rather with the view of pleasing the enquirer than of its being true; but this was attributable to his politeness.' Westermarck does not comment on this interpretation, but the passage reveals how easily moral categories like 'truthfulness' can be misapplied when the social function of speech differs. The reader is left to consider whether politeness constitutes a form of deception or a different ethical framework altogether.
Westermarck’s work rewards readers who attend to his method as much as his conclusions. He builds his argument not through deductive reasoning but through the accumulation of ethnographic fragments, each carrying the voice of its original observer. The result is a text that feels less like a finished theory and more like an ongoing conversation—one in which the reader is invited to participate by weighing the evidence for themselves.
I sometimes think of Westermarck’s patient catalog of moral emotions while sitting with Father Payne, that quieter book about a man shaping young minds less by argument than by presence. There’s a similar trust in feeling over logic there — a wistfulness, too, that reason never quite settles what we ought to do. It stays with me. Father Payne — Background and Themes.
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